It's not often that I begin a book where the first page would include a line like "There has, of course, been a
great deal of Sturm und Drang following the collapse of communism, with apparent instability and much
pessimism in Europe concerning the that continent's political prospects." Pessimism!?!?! I may have only been 10,
but I distinctly remember watching the joy manifesting itself in the streets as the wall came down in Berlin and
then as Gorbachev was unwilling to use the force of violence to quell the protests elsewhere as the Iron Curtain
tumbled. This paradigm of the triumph of the human spirit for freedom over one's lives rather than being controlled
by the state was the bedrock of my political upbringing. But Fukuyama begins his book on Trust with the
contrary notion, the notion that, with the all-powerful state gone and literally no intermediate organizations
between the family and the state for people to function in, there could be pessimism. I guess he forgot about the
role of the church, especially in Poland.
Sadly Fukuyama thereafter completely ignores Eastern Europe and focuses on the loci of liberal democratic society:
the US, Western Europe and East Asia. On the one hand he puts high trust societies exemplified by the US, Germany
and Japan, while on the other he places low trust societies exemplified by Korea, France, Italy and various Chinese
countries. He groups them based on the criteria of the ease which intermediate-sized organizations (sports teams,
clubs, service organizations, etc.) spontaneously form within a culture. The more of these organizations, the more
social capital (i.e.. trust) a society has available. Fukuyama then makes a compelling argument that this trust is
critical to formation of large private businesses.
While Fukuyama makes his case fairly well, there are some definite holes. Korea is classified as a low-trust society
and yet it's got some pretty huge companies. Fukuyama tries to explain this away by saying that state-sponsored
protectionism rather than social capital was what really allowed these firms to grow so big. But anyone familiar
with US history knows that the tariff played a large role in protecting American business so that it could grow fat
on the home market without having to compete with foreign firms. Indeed, in studying the Krupp family of German
industrialists a number of years ago I was surprised to discover that their steel went mainly to American railroads
until they were priced out of that market by the tariff after the Civil War. It was only then that the Krupps turned
their focus to munitions and became the primary armaments dealer to the Prussian army, fueling Bismarck's desire to
conquer all of Germany through Blut und Eisen. But I digest...
Lastly Fukuyama discusses the loss of trust, providing examples of the absolute monarchs of France and the stultifyingly
Confucian emperors of China. He argues that these states saw intermediate-sized organizations as a threat to their
power and so either destroyed or co-opted them. At this point I sat waiting for Soviet examples of similar short
term trust destruction or historical examples of slower long term eroding like that which occurred in the Venetian Republic, but
I was not to receive satisfaction. And while Fukuyama makes passing references to other Western European countries
like Britain and Sweden, one is left wondering how general Fukuyama's thesis really is; if it just fits nicely to
the hand-picked examples in the book.
Flaws aside, this book obviously got me thinking about a number of issues. I found Fukuyama's lauding (in 1995) of
the Japanese corporate model over that of the French especially ironic having also recently read a biography of
Carlos Ghosn, the Renault executive who came in to run Nissan (in 1999) and saved that company from the
keiretsu which so tied it down. I can also see his worries about Americans losing the ability to
spontaneously form groups was unfounded. If anything, the internet has made us more effective at it; witness the
meet-ups, then tweet-ups, barcamps, the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street. Church membership may continue to keep
falling, but we still have no trouble finding like-minded fellows to associate with. Similarly, Fukuyama's pessimism
about company size being limited to family size in mainland China like it has historically been in other Chinese
societies like Taiwan and Hong Kong has proved unfounded. He might argue that is artifact of their explosive growth,
but time will tell.
I would definitely pick up another book by Fukuyama.
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